Here Stevie Edwards looks at what makes it so memorable.
Plug-in required for flash audio Your browser does not support the audio element. Text version below transcribed directly from audio. Five score years ago, a great Americanin whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice.
It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity. But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free.
One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land.
When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independencethey were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir.
This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the "unalienable Rights" of "Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked "insufficient funds.
We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now.
This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice.
Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning.
And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights.
The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges. But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: In the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds.
Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline.
We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force. The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny.
And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom. We cannot walk alone. And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead.
We cannot turn back. There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied? We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities.
We can never be satisfied as long as our children are stripped of their self-hood and robbed of their dignity by signs stating: No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until "justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream.On August 28, , Martin Luther King, Jr.
led a march on Washington, D.C. The speech he gave that day is one of the best known in American history. When people remember the “I Have a Dream” speech, as it has come to be known, they recall King’s message about civil rights.
Analysis of Obama`s Victory Speech The presidential victory speech delivered by Barack Obama who is the president to be was held on November 4, , in Grant Park, Chicago.
Martin Luther King Jr.’s “I Have a Dream” speech was delivered in Washington D.C. on August 28, It was part of a civil rights demonstration called the “March on Washington for Jobs.
Leader of the great religious revolt of the sixteenth century in Germany; born at Eisleben, 10 November, ; died at Eisleben, 18 February, His father, Hans, was a miner, a rugged, stern, irascible character. In the opinion of many of his biographers, it was an expression of uncontrolled.
Martin Luther King’s speech, ‘I have a Dream’ may be considered on two levels, and the first is on the level of its content. Supposing one did not hear the speech delivered and only read a transcript or a printed copy of the speech, it is surprising that many things work independently for the written form of the speech in the ability of the speech to persuade.
Martin Luther King Jr.’s ‘I Have a Dream’ speech is the most famous portion of the August 28, , March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom.